She was born when the stars smiled and said: ‘Glory to you!’ They bent down to the ground, and in a small bay they saw small Famagusta, with blue eyes and golden braided hair. The world was filled with light. They closed their eyes for the dream and the beauty they saw not to go away.
Claire Aggelidou[1]
In her book A Conversation with My Sister Famagusta: Parallel Lives, Claire Aggelidou personifies her hometown. Aggelidou, as a refugee, sits in conversation with Famagusta, reminiscing about life before the violent division that occurred in 1974 on the island of Cyprus along physical and ethnic lines. Since then, Cyprus has been militarized, with several areas being abandoned and undergoing ruination.[2] Famagusta is one of several towns on the northern part of the island that is occupied, but what distinguishes it from others is that a prominent part of the town—the Varosha area—has been fenced off by the Turkish military, prohibiting entry for the last 46 years. For Susan Stewart, “ruination happens at two speeds: furious and slow – that is sudden and unbidden or inevitable and imperceptible,”[3] and both speeds were evident in Varosha’s case: an abrupt abandonment, yet gradual destruction.
When Cyprus gained its independence from British rule in 1960, the government identified potential areas that could boost tourism development across the country. The golden sand and the blue Mediterranean Sea breaking gently against Varosha’s shore fostered an area-wide construction boom. Luxurious, modern hotels appeared along the city’s coastline, transforming it into a cosmopolitan tourist resort. It was not long after the island’s independence, however, that internal turmoil between Greek and Turkish Cypriots threatened the nation’s peaceful future. While the Greek Cypriots were fighting for enosis (integration with Greece), the Turkish Cypriots supported taksim (the partition of Cyprus). Eventually, the Turkish armed invasion (‘intervention’ for Turkish Cypriots) in 1974 led to the physical separation of the two communities and consequently put an end to Varosha’s thriving period. The Republic of Cyprus lost the northern sector of the island—37 per cent of the island’s landmass—to the Turkish occupation. This led to the displacement of around 150,000 Greek Cypriots (who were forced to move from the north to the south) and 45,000 Turkish Cypriots (who moved from the south to the north). Although this was a situation that many inhabitants, especially refugees, perceived as being temporary, the conflict in Cyprus has remained unresolved ever since.

Ghost town Varosha – view from the buffer zone nearby.

Ghost town Varosha – view from a boat.
Varosha is now ‘temporarily stunted’; as Yael Navaro Yashin describes the situation in the northern part of Cyprus due to a lack of international recognition.[4] The political and administrative complications that govern a place also determines its status, with, or in the case of Varosha, without human presence. Its dilapidated buildings have stood suspended in time, ostensibly leading to the degradation of the area into a decaying ‘ghost-town.’ [ 1–2 ] Purportedly protected by a UN Resolution that “considers attempts to settle any part of Varosha by people other than its inhabitants as inadmissible and calls for the transfer of this area to the administration of the United Nations,”[5] the area has been historically used by the Turkish government as a bargaining chip, and it has been consistently plagued by power games and political antagonisms.[6] Varosha was, after all, a strategic area for the Greek Cypriots that once reflected modernization, nation-building, and prosperity.
However, the image of Varosha’s hotels as symbols of modernity and development was not a shared one. According to Rebecca Bryant and Mete Hatay, Varosha was mostly Greek Cypriot-controlled, while the Turkish Cypriots living in nearby villages lacked electricity. When, at some point after 1974, Bryant and Hatay conducted interviews with Turkish Cypriots living in houses that were once inhabited by Greek Cypriots living in Famagusta, “several women described to us collecting photographs, books, and letters in Greek and burning them in the streets or gardens.”[7] Even more recently, Varosha’s reopening in October 2020, was paired with the removal of all Greek signage, and as such promulgated the eradication of any trace of the area’s past. The opening of Varosha shifts the focus to the area that Sharon MacDonald calls a ‘difficult heritage’, that is “atrocities perpetrated and abhorred by the nation that committed them.”[8] Such acts, “threaten […] to break through into the present in disruptive ways, opening up social divisions, perhaps by playing into imagined, even nightmarish, futures.”[9] Even though she admits that such an approach cannot end a conflict or eliminate past tensions, there are nuances that may arise challenging the way collective identities are formed.
Across the island, and particularly after 1974, the proliferation of monuments as expressions of nationalism on each side of the demarcation line aimed to maintain the memory of conflict and division. The conflict in Cyprus and its effects on memory have been extensively discussed, as has the role of these museums and monuments in constructing a national identity and collective memory.[10] Indeed, the institutionalization of a prevailing dichotomy in which two homogeneous identities are in conflict through museums and monuments is anticipated, especially if one considers that both sides have been the victims of war and ethnic struggles, unfolding at least two narratives of collective memory.
In contrast, the abandoned Varosha stands as an alternative form of memorization, oscillating between remembering and forgetting. For John Ruskin, architecture could be understood as a mnemonic device: “We may live without architecture, and worship without her, but we cannot remember without her.”[11] For Paul Connerton in How Societies Remember, however, material objects do not necessarily contribute to the perpetuation of memory compared to the potential that rituals and normative behaviors can have.[12] This argument stands in contrast to the Aristotelian tradition, which assumes that the decay and destruction of mnemonic objects occur in parallel with the process of forgetting. Varosha and its vistas, in a state of suspension for 46 years, have inspired initiatives and stories that have occurred both within and outside of the enclosure. Perceptually, as a mnemonic device, Varosha’s ruins have become blurred, not only with the emotions and feelings of its refugees, but also with the perceptions of the people who have lived nearby Varosha’s periphery, as well as the observations of passers-by and tourists. This essay assembles images that show the periphery of Varosha during its enclosure. Reminded of Navaro-Yashin’s conceptualization of ‘ghosts’—as ethnographically observed in the northern territory of the island’s capital, Nicosia—"the ghost is a thing, the material object, in itself.”[13] The ghost that is Varosha is haunted by a human presence that comes from outside in.

Nature and the ruins.
Letting Me Decay
The muted, windowless and, almost ‘faceless’ hotels of the desolate Varosha enabled the natural world to take over. [ 3 ] Alan Weisman describes this ‘reclamation project,’—as he is one of the few people who have been granted permission to enter the enclosed, decaying area—in his book The World Without Us:
Flame trees, chinaberries and thickets of hibiscus, oleander and passion lilac sprout from nooks where indoors and outdoors now blend. Houses disappear under magenta mounds of bougainvillea. Lizards and whip snakes skitter through stands of wild asparagus, prickly pear and six-foot grasses. A spreading ground cover of lemon grass sweetens the air. At night, the darkened beachfront, free of moonlight bathers, crawls with nesting loggerhead and green sea turtles.[14]
Sentimentalizing Varosha in an almost post-apocalyptic atmosphere, the enclosure would radiate a feeling of enduring in ‘peace’: a latent condition that becomes possible solely because of human absence. In his seminal essay “The Ruin,” Georg Simmel suggests a process of ruination that is inherent and inevitable to the materiality of architecture.[15] Through Simmel’s lens, ruined buildings hold the potential of no longer being the reminders and remnants of a past life, but the creative force behind the genesis of another form of life growing in alignment with the landscape, despite the juxtaposition of meanings that this may embody. In a ruin,
… purpose and accident, nature and spirit, past and present here resolve the tension of their contrasts—or, rather, preserving this tension, they yet lead to a unity of external image and internal effect. It is as though a segment of existence must collapse before it can become unresistant to all currents and powers coming from all corners of reality.[16]
However, in the case of Varosha, this ‘peace’ can only be disguised: It was, after all, a militarized zone juxtaposed against a waterfront filled with luxurious modern hotels whose architectural typology now acted as watch towers housing soldiers and machine guns. The seemingly peaceful domination of nature over a militarized reality would suggest Varosha’s potential as “a ‘healing tool’ in the resolution of the wider conflict in Cyprus.”[17]
In October 2020, to everyone’s surprise, the area was unilaterally and injudiciously opened by the Turkish government—transgressing, once more, UN resolutions and inevitably attracting local and international reactions.[18] The moment was a harsh reality check to those hoping that the reopening of Varosha would happen through a common agreement and, therefore, lay a path to reconciliation. At the same time, the reactions were not limited to the political agency of the area’s sovereignty. Instead, the reactions were also concerned Varosha’s current state: the abrupt reopening was a disruptor of the area’s second life as a ‘ghost town.’
The reopening was another form of ‘loss’ competing with the act of enclosure in 1974. The difference was that the latter left a feeling of ambivalence regarding Varosha’s future. The former involved clearing things out, metaphorically and literally: surrounded by bulldozers that were tasked to remove the filth and dirt from the decaying territory, the remaining high-rise hotels were now facing tangible losses, noting an end to the long-lasting process of ruination. Loss, however, is rarely shared. The reopening was celebrated in the presence of the Turkish president, who flew in especially for the occasion. There were flag raisings and picnics scheduled to take place in the ruins: a celebration amid decay. At the same time, Greek Cypriot refugees were able to reminisce by visiting Varosha for the first time in 46 years. Instead of a reopening that would lead to their right to return, this one was accompanied by mourning. [ 4–5 ]

From a protest on the buffer zone after Varosha’s reopening, July 2020.

Camping tents were setup during a protest on the buffer zone after Varosha’s reopening, July 2020.
Letting You Forget?
In his introduction to The Art of Forgetting, Adrian Forty questions how “one might start to think about the relationship between material objects and collective forgetting.”[19] However, the category of the collective cannot be singularly defined in a ‘place of memory,’ which according to Pierre Nora is a potential instrument for collective memory, underpinning social cohesion.[20] For Nora, these ‘places’ in the French national identity demarcate a transition in the way national identity is formed, which was no longer attached to the history of those politically determined to construct it, but in those spatial elements that shape social memory. These ‘places’ would project a pluralist understanding of memory that, even though not collective per se, in various combinations could reflect the memory of the ‘French’ individuals. Even though in conflicted territories, the situation becomes more complex due to ethnic division: the enclosed Varosha would hold on both sides of the demarcation line, a constellation of memories beyond nationalist opposition.
Varosha’s topography and geography were filled with great economic value and potential. Similar to the debates that intensified after Varosha’s reopening about whether these hotels as modern ruins should be preserved or demolished—as for many, they are nothing more than debris—there were dilemmas concerning how, during its time of enclosure, this area was seen from afar. In 1974, two years after Varosha was fenced off, a hotel standing on the edge of the prohibited area received permission to reopen, suggesting, perhaps, how the degradation of one thing can mean the restoration of another. Initially named Constantia Hotel, it was one of the first on the coastline of Varosha in 1948. Constantia Hotel was a prominent building in the area; it was featured on tourist guide covers, including a Swedish guide with the members of ABBA laying on the Varosha beach,[21] and in Hollywood films, such as Paul Newman’s 1961 film, Exodus.
Like the rest of the hotels in the area, Constantia was initially abandoned, but was eventually resold to a Turkish Cypriot owner who was eager for it to reopen. However, reopening necessitated refurbishment—not an easy task for a community sanctioned by economic embargo. Because of the persistence of the Turkish Cypriots living in the northern part of Cyprus to become a separate nation from the UN-recognized Republic of Cyprus, they became isolated, especially in economic terms, in the early years after 1974. The solution to refurbishment was to dismantle and collect any usable spare parts that could be found in the vacant hotels within the enclosed Varosha. To do so, the new owners granted a British electrical engineer living in Kyrenia permission to enter the prohibited zone with the goal of reinstating their hotel.
Weisman describes the ‘unbearable silence’ that the engineer had to endure for six months while disassembling air conditioners, kitchens, washers, and dryers: a man in solitude wandering in and out of vacant hotels suspended in time, looking to fulfill his assignment. Fragmentary traces of life haunted the presence of abrupt departures: keys were left tossed on hotels’ front desks; windows were left ajar; untouched place settings were left on tables with decaying linens; shredded laundry hung from clotheslines; cars remained parked along the street; personal belongings and photographs lay unceremoniously scattered upon the silent, yet resonant landscape.
Throughout the years of Varosha’s enclosure, very few people other than Turkish soldiers and journalists were allowed to enter the prohibited zone. Turkish soldiers constantly patrolled the area, carrying orders to shoot anybody who trespassed. Signage all over the barbed-wire fences surrounding Varosha prohibited not only entry but also photography, and anyone walking around the border would likely have been interrogated. [ 6–7 ] Driving slowly around the border would offer a glimpse of the inside; however, to stop and stare was forbidden. These prohibitions, combined with the area’s ruination, became the ingredients that composed Varosha’s mystical aura, shifting the internal human absence into an exteriorized temptation for the human eye. Locals and foreigners alike were curious, with many attempting to trespass, explore and look through the boundaries of the enclosure.
UN prohibition signage on the border nearby Varosha.
At the same time, Varosha’s ruination, entangled with conflict and memories of pain, would gradually turn into a spectacle. The Constantia Hotel was successfully refurbished and, subsequently, reopened. Known today as the Palm Beach Hotel, the broader area would juxtapose a luxury hotel with wealthy tourists and clean white umbrellas to the deserted Varosha: silent, empty, and ruined. The hotel adjacent to the Palm Beach Hotel would stand half-collapsed and with a machine-gun emplacement that had transformed it into a military post during the 1974 invasion. Amidst the debris of war and the atmosphere of relaxation, the area’s vistas were, somehow, voyeuristic.
The ghost town would become a major attraction. Over the years, many people have visited the adjacent Constantia hotel, not only to appreciate the Mediterranean views and relax on the silky coastline of Famagusta, but, strikingly, to get a closer look at this no man’s land:
We chose the Palm Beach Hotel because it was next to the deserted border ghost district of Varosha, a place that has fascinated me for years. Before 1974, this was THE place to stay in Cyprus, but now it’s deserted and a military zone. The Palm Beach lies just outside the area, so it’s got both a fab beach and easy access to old Famagusta too. You can walk up to the wire fence and look into the deserted streets. Don’t let the soldiers see you take photos, though – better to get a zoom lens and do it from your hotel balcony…[22]
The role of the tourist in this experience is crucial. Detached from the emotional devastation of the national conflict and reminiscent of Peter Sloterdijk’s suggestion that ambivalence between discomfort and aversion can, potentially, open other ways of knowing,[23] the tourist gaze becomes the trigger for a radical shift: despite the human absence within Varosha, the area from the outside was not abandoned at all. The emotional distance produced by the gaze of the tourists who enjoy the sublimity of the ruins can, according to philosopher Edmund Burke on the ‘sublime,’ generate feelings of both compassion and uneasiness in reaction to the sight of human tragedy embodied within ruination. At the same time, Varosha as a Lacanian ‘sublime object’ found itself in 1974 to be “the impossible-real object of desire.” Placed in the threshold of two deaths, the sublime object persists only in this intermediary state, and it cannot be approached too closely as it endangers to become ordinary.[24]
UN prohibition signage on the border nearby Varosha. For photography, that was also prohibited from the street the advice was to use one of the improvised viewpoints that locals created on their rooftops.
For some Varosha was a sacrifice, while for others it represented the spoils of war. In both cases, and even though not belonging to the categorization of a war memorial,[25] it was treated as an ‘ephemeral monument’, which according to Forty is constructed for memorial purposes, but which is “made only to be abandoned immediately to decay.” These ephemeral monuments, even though not fully comprehensible in the Western culture, are confirmations that the mental form of memory cannot be overwhelmed by the object associated with memory.[26] On the other hand, Varosha is not solely a ‘place of memory’, but also an object of ‘dissonant heritage,’[27] which raises a series of dilemmas in which various sectors of society intersect, including commercial and other interests and the “destructive and cruel side of history.”[28] These attractions as manifestations of conflict, or, as otherwise known, dark tourism,[29] embody a dissonance, which, for Višnja Kisić, is conceptualized as “a tension and quality that testifies to the play among different discourses, and opens the space for a number of diverse actions.”[30] Varosha’s buildings, though no longer luxurious or touristic per se, still remain as containers of speculation and tourism endeavors, gradually blurring the area’s meaning, which is no longer a site of suffering and disaster for its past inhabitants as refugees. Instead, for many others, the area was a site of opportunism.
This peripheral observation of Varosha was not, however, delimited to those living adjacent to the fence that would belong in the Turkish-Cypriot community. Instead, as another depiction of the world’s plurality, those living on the southern part of the divided Cyprus would often identify for visitors the best spots from which to view Varosha from afar. Greek Cypriots living on the other side of the border, but still relatively close to the ghost town of Varosha, would turn their rooftops into viewpoints from which tourists could satisfy their curiosity, while others would initiate boat trips to offer a glimpse of the prohibited zone.[31] [ 8 ] Both the improvised viewpoints and the boat trips included aspects that ‘museumified’ the experience of looking from afar, with locals showing photographs of events related to the conflict, as well as objects of Cypriot folklore. At the same time, the owners of these improvised observation posts and the captains of the boat trips would often take on the role of the narrator, reciting the story of the area, vaguely overlaying touristic voyeurism with memories of pain and loss. Despite the new layers of meaning and representation added by the tourist gaze, this act of ‘looking from afar’ was inseparable from the moment of enclosure, reminding visitors that Varosha’s ruination was not natural, but rather, a dark political spectacle.

Fig. 8: Tourists looking at Varosha from a viewpoint.
According to Jonathan Hill, “ruination can enhance the status of a structure, which may ever more resolutely resound as a monument in the memory, if its destruction has profound social, cultural, or political meaning.”[32] It is worth questioning here whether Varosha is an example of this interpretation. During the 1960s, there were many reactions to the environmental and social repercussions of the resort’s development on the island’s coastline. The hotels’ vicinity to the beach, their height as a solid boundary between the beach and the rest of the city, as well as their development as sites serving foreign tourists but not the local population were criticisms raised in the 1960s regarding Varosha’s development. Moreover, these hotels were carefully and skillfully designed to reflect modernization and quality in spatial and, therefore, cultural terms, however, little attention was given to their architectural value. The day Varosha became a spatial victim of the Cyprus conflict, those buildings, as modern ruins, were suddenly altered in their prominence—and their initial associations with ‘financialization’ were assumed to have disappeared.
The ruination of Varosha, a condition that was politically enforced in order for the life before 1974 to be forgotten, has been, in contrast, a process of remembering, even though other interests were intertwined. Indeed, Varosha’s hotels are now ruins—for some, they are filthy structures requiring demolition, but for others, they are representations of conflict heritage. Both sides, ironically, are driven by touristic motives, either redeveloping what came to be a 1960s cosmopolitan tourism resort, or a ‘live’ museum of modern ruins. In either case, they are a ruinous formation of a past.
Conclusion
Once a cosmopolitan tourism resort offering glimpses of modernity and the prospect of a prosperous future for the newly independent Cyprus in the 1960s, the enclosure of Varosha forever altered the meanings of the place: ruins of a glamorous past; ruins of war, occupation, and militarization; ruins of abandonment and human absence as well as ruins that can be profitable to a tourist’s voyeuristic gaze. For some, Varosha after 1974 was a source of hope—both tangibly, as its buildings having endured abandonment, and intangibly, as it has been used many times as a bargaining chip in political negotiations. After its reopening in 2020, which was followed by its occupation by the Turkish government, it quickly became a place of loss. In this plurality of meanings, there is always the possibility for the system to operate in contrasting manners, in which any ‘other’ world can rise and prevail.